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Can anyone give me any info about the drugs in mexico??

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Can anyone give me any info about the drugs in mexico??

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  1. pot is cheap all others are about the same quanity and price of US. I could get a quarter of good pot for 5 US dollars but coke was quanity and price equivilent to the states. Beer is about 1 US dollar per.

    I stayed STONED >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>


  2. They are every where.

  3. tylenol or what?

  4. lf you are talking medication you can buy alot of them over counter at drug stores the hard drugs i have no idea

  5. not as good

  6. Medication drugs or illegal ones?

    I personally think the already posted answer regarding on how the US wastes bilions of dollars fighting it was well written.

    I'll be clear on this, I'm in favor of drug legalization for recreational use and just make driving or working under the infuence illegal take it or leave it. The fact is, it will never end. An indian can live a petty life growing corn or earn more than 3 years worth of corn earnings by growing pot or amapola on his field. You can clearly add 2 plus 2 and see that it's a lucrative business on every level even in the pockets of corrupt political agendas.

    It's a non very clear-cut fact that many priista and perredista govenors and mayors get campaign money from the narcos to win elections and then to "return the favor". This has spawned a vicious cycle of corruption which Felipe is having a hard time to defeat.

    For one, he personally isn't all in for drug legalization for personal reasons (but despite that I like the man and his political views otherwise and understand that he fights it because the politicians getting money from the narcos are his political rivals).

    Second, the US isn't helping either (all that money sounds candy cane nice on a PDF document on the official DEA website, but it doesn't change the attitudes of people towards drugs) and thirdly keeping drugs illegal makes the business underground so capos and criminals keep on making a very nice living with it.

    In Michoacán they have a saying: "I want to be a narco when I grow up". It's a lucrative business which doesn't need the expenses and time to get a university degree and makes you more well-off than just being a petty corn farmer literally dying of starvation.

    On the last hand, several drugs deemed illegal are and have been for a thousand years a part of a highly regarded religious ritual. Imagine the outcry of Huichol indians if you started to arrest them because they are getting high on peyote. The racism and secularism of that could cause all indian mexicans to rise up in arms and start a second Revolution war illing people left and right in any bloody and painful way you can imagine (burning people alive was a favorite form of murder in the revolution).

    So, the government does "la vista gorda" as we say here and ignores that those people exist. Is it racist? Yeah. Is that agaist not just one but two mexican conssitutional rights: freedom of religion and equality? Well, someone passed civics in elementary school yeah.

    Can you see why I'm in favor of egalization of at least some drugs no matter what the US thinks? Well, when the US economy becomes real bad and they need oil and people to work in their fields and factories, that could be interesting.

    But hey, keep ostracrizing hemp as satanic and keep on using pesticides in your cotton, to each their own.

  7. Today, Mexico is going through a similar introspection. No one has yet called Mexico a narco-state, but drug-related violence and corruption have become so widespread that President Felipe Calderon has declared war on drug syndicates operating in Mexican territory.

    The United States has encouraged these reappraisals sometimes with sticks, now most often with carrots, lots of carrots. Since 2000, it has funneled more than $5 billion into Plan Colombia; now it plans to invest up to $1.4 billion in Mexico for what is being called the Merida Initiative, named for the city where it was proposed. Such financial support has yielded important results. The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration reports, for instance, a 44 percent increase in the street price of a gram of cocaine and a drop in its purity by 15 percent.

    Yet the ongoing U.S. efforts to help others eradicate illicit crops, destroy drug labs, dismantle cartels and halt drug shipments may also be masking a denial about the conditions of stateside drug-fighting programs.

    Last week, during a congressional hearing about the Merida Initiative hosted by the House Foreign Affairs subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Bush administration officials provided a list of programs they hope will be enhanced in order to play a greater supportive role in Mexico's drug-fighting efforts.

    Subcommittee Chairman Eliot Engel wasn't too pleased to hear this and criticized the administration for the steady decline in support for domestic treatment and prevention programs since 2005, including a $73 million cut proposed in the 2009 budget.

    But according to Robert Charles, who served as assistant secretary of state for international narcotics and law enforcement between 2003 and 2005, an even more "egregious example of misunderstanding" of how grave the drug problem is in the United States is reflected in the administration's continued cuts in law enforcement funding. While he supports the foreign programs, Charles fears that by undermining U.S. efforts to battle organized crime and drug trafficking, the government appears to be treating symptoms far away for a "disease that is infecting us here."

    Task forces that coordinate anti-drug efforts by local, state and federal agents may disappear altogether. In every budget request since 2005, Bush has eliminated all funding for the Byrne Justice Assistance Grant, which underwrites these task forces. While Congress managed to restore some of the funding every year, last-minute negotiations in fiscal 2008 reduced it to $170 million, one-third of the budget allocation in 2007.

    In a Feb. 1 letter to Bush, Sen. Joe Biden, chairman of the Senate Judiciary subcommittee on crime and drugs, urged the president to restore funding for the Byrne grants and a community policing program known as COPS. Both programs were marked for no appropriations in Bush's 2009 budget request. In the 1990s, both programs received more than $2 billion per year and helped drive "crime rates down by 30 percent," wrote Biden.

    Ronald Brooks, president of the National Narcotic Officers' Associations Coalition, calls this "the worst crisis facing drug law enforcement since the creation" of the coalition 14 years ago. The task forces have helped, for instance, in stopping large numbers of weapons from being smuggled into Mexico from the United States, Brooks said. Mexican officials have called arms smuggling the No. 1 crime problem affecting the country's security.

    According to DEA testimony at the House hearing, one of the Merida Initiative's main goals is to train and equip police forces in Mexico and Central America so they can better respond to increased drug crime and violence. More specifically, the Bush budget request includes millions to help Mexico's federal police establish new canine drug detection units and improve communication technology in the Mexican intelligence service.

    Meanwhile, violent crime in the United States is on the rise. Last September, the FBI reported a two-year "upward trend" after a relative lull in violence between 2002 and 2004. Yet the DEA was under a hiring freeze until last month, and the agency has been struggling to find funds to upgrade communications equipment.

    After years of looking every which way to support anti-drug efforts abroad, the time may be ripe for the United States to begin looking more inward.

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