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Dance steps of ifugao dance?

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  1. Society-IFUGAO

    The Ifugao (Ifugaw, Ipugao, Yfugao) occupy an area of from 750 (LeBar
    1975: 78) to 970 square miles, roughly equivalent to the province
    of Ifugao, as well as small regions of neighboring provinces in the
    central Cordillera of northern Luzon in the Philippine Islands. The
    area is located at approximately long. 120 degrees 75 min. to 121
    degrees 50 E and lat. 16 degrees 50 min. to 17 degrees N. The Ifugao
    are part of a group of indigenous mountain peoples of northern Luzon,
    which also includes the Bontok and Kalinga (Chaffee et al. 1969: 47).
    The most common subgroup designations for the Ifugao, usually taken
    from population centers or geographic locations, include: Bunhian
    (Bungian) and Mayoyao (Mayoyo, Mayaoyao, Mayawyaw) in the northeast;
    Halipan (Salipnan, Silipan) in the southeast; Kiangan (Quiangan) in
    the southwest; and Banaue (Banawi, Benauwe) and Hapao (Sapao, Japao,
    Hapaw) in the northwest. Kiangan is the name most frequently used
    by neighboring groups to refer to the Ifugao in general. Today the
    people who inhabit Ifugao Province refer to themselves as Ifugao,
    but the area contains a number of non-Ifugao speakers, and there are
    also people who are culturally and linguistically Ifugao but who call
    themselves something else because of contemporary political boundaries.

    The Ifugao language is Malayo-Polynesian. Conklin classifies it within
    his northern group of Philippine languages, while Dyen includes it
    within a North Cordilleran Cluster of his Cordilleran Hesion. Ifugao
    is closely related to Bontok and Kankanai, with a probable separation
    of the linguistic groups somewhere around 900 A.D. (LeBar 1975: 78).

    Population estimates on the Ifugao in the twentieth century have varied
    from 60,000 to over 100,000, with a 1960 census figure of 76,888 (Conklin
    1967/1968: iii). Population density in some areas approaches 400 per
    square mile.

    Ifugao subsistence is derived principally from agriculture (84 percent),
    with an additional ten percent derived from the raising of aquatic
    fauna, such as minnows and snails, in flooded rice fields. The remaining
    six percent of subsistence activities involve fishing (fish, eels,
    frogs, snails, and water clams [ginga]; hunting (deer, wild buffalo
    and pigs, civet cat, wild cat, python, iguana, cobra, and fruitbat);
    and the gathering of insects (locust, crickets, and ants) as well
    as a large variety of wild plants. The primary source of animal food
    in the diet comes from fishing, further supplemented by hunting and
    the collecting of insects. Wild plants do not form a significant part
    of the diet. Monkeys, although hunted, are not eaten. Rice (in flooded
    fields) and sweet potatoes (on swiddens) are the principal crops,
    supplemented by maize, taro, yams, cowpeas, lima beans, okra, greengrams
    and other legumes, sugarcane, and tobacco. Coffee is the main export,
    and other tree crops include jackfruit, grapefruit, rattan, citrus,
    areca, coconut, banana, guava, and cacao. Terracing, often extending
    more than 1,000 feet up a mountainside, is extensively used. Irrigation
    is controlled by elaborate systems of dikes and sluices. Fields are
    worked with wooden spades and digging sticks. Ritual accompanies all
    stages of rice cultivation. Rice is the prestige crop, and a man's
    status is determined by his rice fields. Sweet potatoes, on the other
    hand, while an important staple food crop, enjoy low prestige value.

    Conklin's (1967/1968) intensive survey of a 40-square-mile portion
    of northcentral Ifugao revealed a division of the region into some
    25 discrete, agriculturally-defined "districts" (himpuntona'an), which
    were traditionally geographic units with ritual functions. The focal
    center of each agricultural "district" was a named ritual plot, the
    first to be planted and harvested each year.

    In the Ifugao economy, barter has been replaced by rice and money
    for exchange. The Ifugao import livestock, cotton, brass wire, cloth,
    beads, crude steel, and Chinese jars and gongs (status symbols). Families
    own rice and forest lands and heirlooms, which are passed on to the
    children, but may be sold in emergencies. Personal property consists
    of houses, valuable trees, and sweet potato crops. Unowned land belongs
    to anyone who clears and plants it.

    The general pattern of settlement is that of small, named hamlets,
    consisting of from 8 to 12 houses (with 30 or more persons), located
    on hillocks or on spurs along the sides of mountain valleys, invariably
    near the rice fields. Settlement clusters are not found among the
    Mayoyao, however; each dwelling is situated as near as possible to
    the owner's fields. Houses are well made of timber and thatch, raised
    on four posts, and are characterized by their pyramidal roof construction.
    Less permanent structures, such as the house for the unmarried (agamang),
    are frequently built directly on the ground.

    Government institutions are poorly developed among the Ifugao, and
    chiefs, councils, and politically defined districts or other units
    are lacking in the traditional culture. "The functions of government
    are (or were) accomplished by the operation of collective kinship
    obligations, including the threat of blood feud, together with common
    understanding of the adat or custom law given the people by ancestor
    heroes, in particular the inviolability of personal and property rights."
    Informal arbitrators (monbaga), who are "respected men of wealth skilled
    in knowledge of genealogy and adat," and whose decisions can be backed
    up by a large and powerful kin group, serve as go-betweens who "negotiate
    and witness property dealings, marriage transactions and the like,
    and who are paid for their services" (LeBar 1975: 81). A very loose
    type of community leadership has traditionally been achieved, however,
    through the role of the "rice chief," one of the leading priests of
    the area, to whom members of the community give voluntary obeisance.
    The principal function of the "rice chief" was merely to determine
    on which days certain religious customs of common interest to all
    should be observed. The "rice chief" (manu'ngaw) had very little real
    authority for he could not enforce the decisions he had made, nor
    could he in any way change the laws dictated by the adat. The bonds
    of kinship served to unite the people of a particular valley or watershed
    area, but feelings of solidarity rarely extended much beyond the local
    area. Beyond this so-called "home-region" were zones of increasingly
    less friendly contacts, culminating in an outer "war zone," the locale
    of headhunting raids.

    Social stratification was traditionally based on the accumulation
    of wealth in terms of rice, water buffalo, and slaves. The ranks or
    statuses (they are not really classes) are: the kadangyan, the wealthy
    aristocrats; the natumok, who are families with relatively little
    land and as a result are greatly dependent on the kandangyan for their
    existence; the nawatwat, or very poor, with no land at all (including
    servants and tenants on the lands of the wealthy); and, finally, the
    slaves. The political power of the kandangyan is in terms of prestige
    and influence rather than institutionalized authority, but is still
    often considerable. There was a tendency toward endogamy among the
    kandangyan. Slaves were only rarely kept, most often being sold to
    lowlanders. There was no hereditary slave class.

    Monogamy was the normal form of marriage, although polygyny was practiced
    occasionally by the wealthy. In cases of polygyny, the first wife
    has higher authority and status than her co-wives. Marriages are alliances
    between kindreds. First cousin marriages are forbidden in both theory
    and practice, but marriages to more distant cousins can take place,
    with suitable payment of fines in livestock. Bride-price is present.
    Residence is left to the personal choice of the married couple and
    usually results in settlement near the largest rice field holding
    of either partner. First children tend to inherit irrigated farmland,
    but otherwise inheritances are divided among all legitimate children.

    Each sibling group is the center of an exogamous, bilateral kindred,
    which is reckoned vertically to great-great-grandparents and laterally
    to third cousins. Each kindred is collectively responsible for the
    actions and welfare of its members. Eggan (1967) mentions a regional
    descent group or "cognatic stock," which includes those persons in
    a particular region who claim descent from a common deified culture
    hero. The "clan district" mentioned by Beyer and Barton (1911) seems
    to be the same as Conklin's "agricultural district." Conklin's districts,
    however, cannot be defined as localized kin groups. Ifugao kinship
    terminology is generational with a Hawaiian-type cousin terminology.

    Igugao religion is pantheistic in nature and has a well-developed
    cosmology. Adult males traditionally functioned as priests within
    their kindreds and invoked the spirits of departed ancestors within
    their own and closely related kin groups. This is a part-time occupation,
    and payment is made in meat and drink. Most rites involve invocation,
    prayer, and spirit possession on the part of the priest and inevitably
    require some type of offering. Illness is believed to be caused by
    deities acting with the consent of the ancestors and is treated by
    a priest through the medium of divination and curing rites. If the
    deities refuse to return the soul of the person they have made sick,
    despite the best efforts of the priest to effect a cure, then the
    person dies. Illness and death can also be caused by sorcery and the
    evil eye. The tulud is a witchcraft ceremony in  which characters
    of a recited myth are made to perform the desire of the priest.

    For an easily accessible and concise summary of Ifugao culture, see
    LeBar (1975: 78-82).

    Culture summary by Martin J. Malone



    Beyer, H. Otley.
    An Ifugao burial ceremony.
    By H. Otley Beyer and Roy Franklin Barton.
    Philippine Journal of Science, 6, D (1911): 227-252.
    Chaffee, Frederic H. Area handbook for the Philippines.
    By Frederic H. Chaffee, et al.
    Washington, D.C., U.S.
    Government Printing Office, 1969.
    Conklin, Harold C. Some aspects of ethnographic research in Ifugao.
    New York Academy of Sciences, Transactions, ser.
    2, 30 (1967-1968): 99-121.
    Eggan, Fred.
    Some aspects of bilateral social systems in the northern Philippines.
    In Mario D. Zamora, ed.
    Studies in Philippine Anthropology in Honor of H. Otley Beyer.
    Quezon City, Alemar-Phoenix, 1967: 186-202.
    LeBar, Frank M., ed.
    and comp.
    Ethnic groups of Insular Southeast Asia, Vol.
    2.
    New Haven, Human Relations Area Files Press, 1975.


  2. hi sa mga ifugao

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